Rajiv-Prabha meeting: An unwritten agreement
Rajiv-Prabha meeting: An unwritten agreement
The Indo-Sri Lankan agreement was signed on July 29, 1987. Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Sri Lankan President J.R. Jayewardene signed the agreement at a special ceremony in Colombo. The day before the agreement was signed, on July 28, 1987, a secret agreement was reached in New Delhi between Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and LTTE leader Prabhakaran Velupillai. Many people are not aware of the secret agreement that was not signed. This is one of the facts that Rajiv’s administration hid during that period. Since I was one of the people involved in the Rajiv-Prabha agreement, I consider it important to record that historical event here.
I have described in a previous article how the LTTE leader Prabhakaran, Yogi and Thileepan were brought to New Delhi and detained at the Ashoka Hotel, and the attempts made to impose the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord on us. The Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MGR took a pro-LTTE stance, which created an awkward situation for the Indian government. Rajiv Gandhi wanted to somehow bring the LTTE to its senses before going to Colombo to sign the Accord. He saw only one way out. Rajiv Gandhi decided that the best way was to meet the LTTE leader Prabhakaran directly, hear his views on the accord, and come to an agreement with him.
It was midnight on July 28, 1987. Indian intelligence officers hurriedly woke Prabhakaran and me from our deep sleep at the Ashoka Hotel. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi wanted to meet us urgently and asked us to leave immediately. We were taken to the Prime Minister’s residence, followed by a convoy of armed black cats. The Prime Minister was waiting for us at the gate. Rajiv Gandhi was accompanied by the Director of Internal Intelligence, Mr. M.K. Narayanan.
The Prime Minister, who welcomed us with a smile, looked at Prabhakaran and said, “I have heard a lot about you. I am happy to meet you in person.” Tamil Nadu Minister Bandurutti Ramachandran was also waiting for us there. The discussion began immediately. “I understand that you are dissatisfied with this agreement. Will you explain in detail the shortcomings in the agreement?” asked Rajiv Gandhi. Prabhakaran asked me to explain our views in detail. I took out and explained the shortcomings in the agreement one by one.
The land rights of the Tamils are very important as far as the ethnic issue is concerned. The Tamils and the Tamil-speaking Muslims have historically lived in the territory comprising the North-Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka. This land is their own land. Their homeland. The Tamil people will not accept any plan to divide this homeland. Even though the territory comprising the North-Eastern provinces is mentioned in the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement as the homeland of the Tamil-speaking people, we cannot accept the decision to put the territorial integrity of this homeland to a referendum. I explained that this would lead to the division of the Tamil homeland. Next, I explained that the devolution of powers given to the Provincial Council was limited and did not meet the political aspirations of the Tamil people. Above all, the power to dissolve the North-Eastern Provincial Council has been given to the Sri Lankan President Jayewardene. He is a Sinhala racist. He is hostile to the Tamil people. We do not believe that he will provide justice to the Tamil people, said Prabhakaran. Next, we took up the issue of arms handover. It is unjust to demand the surrender of arms within 72 hours of signing the agreement. It is absolutely unjust to force the surrender of arms, which we have fought for so many years and shed blood for, within four days, and that too before a final solution to the Tamil national problem is found, said Prabhakaran. Rajiv Gandhi listened to everything we said with interest and patience, taking notes.
When we had finished stating our position, Rajiv Gandhi said. “My government is making strenuous efforts to find a just solution to the problems of your people. We need your cooperation in this matter. As you say, there are bound to be shortcomings in this agreement. The provincial council scheme mentioned in this agreement is a temporary arrangement. I will try to address the shortcomings in it after talking to Jayewardene. I have taken note of the objection you raised about the Tamil homeland. I will talk to Jayewardene about this. I ask that you postpone it without holding a referendum.
“I will tell you. You should trust the Indian government for everything. We are concerned about the welfare of the Tamils. Therefore, we need your support. This agreement will win the rights of the Tamil people and ensure their security. If you support the agreement, it will strengthen our hand,” he said.
Minister Bandurutti translated what the Indian Prime Minister had said in Tamil and explained it to Prabhakaran. “This agreement does not serve the interests of the Tamil people. On the contrary, it affects the interests of the Tamil people. Therefore, we cannot accept this agreement,” Prabhakaran said firmly. Rajiv Gandhi understood the situation. He also realized that Prabhakaran was firm in his position. He did not want to spoil the matter by clashing with the LTTE. Therefore, he suddenly changed his approach.
“I understand your position. I am not asking you to change your decision or policy. You do not have to accept this agreement. But it is enough if you do not oppose it,” said Rajiv Gandhi. “Do you see. The Prime Minister himself has come your way. You do not have to accept the agreement. That is your position. You do not have to accept it. But the Prime Minister is only asking you not to oppose it. Can you do at least this small cooperation for the Indian government?” It was now clear why he had been called to this meeting. Prabhakaran and I were not satisfied with Rajiv’s explanation and Bandurutti´s interpretation of it. “If we do not accept something, it means we are opposed to it,” Prabhakaran whispered in my ear. Rajiv realized that he could not satisfy us by differentiating between non-acceptance and opposition. So, he took the issue in a different direction.
“We know that your movement and the Tamil people in general do not have faith in Jayewardene. I do not have faith in him either. However, we have made this agreement by exerting great pressure on him. Even if there are shortcomings in the provincial council plan, can we not hold talks later and increase the autonomy of the Tamils? Besides, it is not possible to implement this provincial council plan immediately. It needs time. Before that, an interim government can be established in the North-East. Your organization can be given a major role in it. I am also ready to make a secret agreement with you regarding this interim government.” said Rajiv Gandhi.
“Do not let this opportunity slip. This is a wonderful opportunity to establish the administrative rule of the Tigers in the Tamil homeland. A secret agreement with the Indian Prime Minister. Do not reject this idea. Do not worry too much about the India-Sri Lanka agreement. Before that, the Rajiv-Prabha agreement is coming. There is no need to make this public. We can keep it secret.” said Minister Bandurutti. All this seemed like a pre-rehearsed play. Prabhakaran had no faith in anything. He showed no interest in anything. But Bandurutti was very keen on giving shape to the Rajiv-Prabha agreement.
An interim administration was established in the North-East, in which it was decided that the LTTE would be given majority representation. Rajiv demanded that all militant organisations in Eelam should be given representation in the interim administration. Prabha did not agree to this. In the end, it was agreed that only the Tamil Liberation Front and the Eros organisation would be given limited representation. The structure, powers and functioning of the interim administration were not discussed in detail. Rajiv promised to talk to the President Jayewardene and take a final decision. Prabhakaran demanded that Sinhalese immigration into the Tamil homeland should be stopped and that the Sinhalese government should not open new police stations. Rajiv Gandhi agreed to this too.
The Jayewardene government accuses the LTTE of collecting compulsory taxes from the public in Yarlpanam. Rajiv Gandhi asked if it was not possible to stop the collection of taxes. That tax money is being used for our administrative expenses. Prabhakaran said that if the Indian government gives us that amount, we can stop collecting taxes. When Rajiv asked how much money they receive as taxes every month, Prabha said that we collect up to crores of rupees in Sri Lankan currency. “That means up to one and a half million rupees in Indian currency. I will give that money,” said Rajiv.
Finally, the issue of arms transfer arose. “We are not asking for the complete surrender of weapons. A small number of weapons as a goodwill gesture will suffice. The Indian Peace Keeping Force will operate in the northeast to protect the public and the freedom fighters. The ceasefire with the Sinhalese armed forces will continue. In this situation, you will not need weapons, will you?” said the Indian Prime Minister. Prabhakaran did not respond. He was deep in thought. Bandurutti suddenly interrupted. “Why think about it? If you give some of the old, useless, rusty weapons that India has given you, it would be fine,” he said. “All the weapons that India has given you are like that,” Prabha replied sarcastically. “It’s okay, give some of them. “The Indian government will provide new weapons when the need arises, won’t it?” said Minister Bandurutti. He translated what he had said into English and told Rajiv. The Prime Minister nodded with approval.
It was two in the morning. Rajiv Gandhi was to leave New Delhi for Colombo at nine that morning. The India-Sri Lanka agreement was to be signed at three in the afternoon. Rajiv looked happy as if he had reached some kind of amicable agreement with the leader of the LTTE, Prabha. Prabhakaran was not happy in his heart. It was clear on his face. Bandurutti looked satisfied as if he had achieved some great achievement. We were all exhausted from lack of sleep. The meeting was coming to an end. Then I asked Minister Bandurutti, “We talked about many things, including the Rajiv-Prabha secret agreement. The Prime Minister has also made many promises. What if we put all this in writing and get his signature?” I said.
Bandurutti thought for a while. “There are many controversial issues in this secret agreement, aren’t there? There is the issue of money. There is the issue of arms transfer. If all this comes to light, there will be a huge political storm in India and Sri Lanka. Don’t you have faith in the Prime Minister? This is a Gentlemen’s Agreement. Let it be an unwritten agreement between two great men?” said the Minister. He also translated it into English for Rajiv Gandhi.
“You don’t need to worry about anything. I will fulfill the promises I made. Let this be an unwritten Gentlemen’s Agreement, as the Minister says.” said Rajiv Gandhi.
At the last moment, I did not want to contradict him. Finally, we appealed against our detention. Rajiv assured that he would immediately arrange to remove Prabhakaran’s detention and send him to Tamileelam.
It was three in the morning when we reached Ashoka Hotel from Rajiv Gandhi’s residence. “Brother, wait and see, none of these secret agreements and promises will be fulfilled. This is all a deception,” Prabhakaran said in despair and entered his room.
When I went to my room, Thieepan, who was waiting for me, did not let me sleep until early morning. I told Thileepan in detail about the Rajiv-Prabha meeting and the secret agreement made between the two. He was listening very interested. “What does the national leader say?” he asked. “Prabha is not satisfied. He has no hope. “He is absolutely saying that none of these promises will be fulfilled,” I said.
Thileepan, who was deep in thought, said, “What the national leader says will happen.” In fact, that is what happened. The Rajiv-Prabha secret agreement was not fulfilled. The interim administration government was not formed either.
Thileepan became furious when he realized that Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi had not fulfilled the promises he had made to national leader Prabhakaran. He began a hunger strike until his death with the aim of exposing the historical mistake made by the Indian government to the world. In the end, he sacrificed his life and revealed the truth to the world.
The unwritten Rajiv Prabha agreement exploded like an earthquake, creating a great upheaval in Tamileelam.
– Thesathinkural Anton Balasingham
– Liberation
– Edited by: Tamilarasan Abdulkader
(Translation by Tamilpriya)
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